The readings for week six were largely organized around the theme of political developments in China. To evaluate political developments in China, one must be clear about the scope of the definition "political". In my opinion, there are mainly two types of political developments in post-1978 China: administrative reform and electoral reform. Administrative reforms aim to provide more effective governance without fundamentally altering political institutions. Such reform measures include the continuous reorganization and downsizing of State Council departments, the introduction of various regulations addressing problems in many sectors (coal mining and food safety, etc.), innovations in policy-making, and even what Cai (2004) described as “managed participation”. As Cai's paper showed, the Chinese government's efforts on administrative reforms, such as the appeal system that is gaining more and more importance, have serious limitations. In addressing emerging problems through administrative reforms, the government adopts a reactive reform model: it mostly solves problems only as they arise. In the case of the appeals system, the government's reactive handling of citizens' grievances and complaints appeared haphazard (there is no clear standard or procedure determining which appeals should be heard and to what extent concerns can be addressed) and ineffective (the case-by-case style of problem solving can't match flood appeals). Furthermore, the central government's difficulty in dealing with appeals has only created a bigger problem: on the one hand, the central government wants to gather information from the appellants, on the other hand, it fears that too many appeals will tarnish the official image and lead to instability (demonstrates... ... half of the paper ... more discussions to examine the relationship between democracy and corruption, economic growth and public governance However, Pan's prescription in the next part was really ambiguous and puzzling in designing independent systems of public administration. In the area of ​​judicial inspection and corruption, Pan failed to clarify the mechanisms that guarantee the independence of these systems. In particular, the position of the CCP in its self-designed structure was not clear to him , nor how to ensure that the CCP respects the law and respects the independence of other systems. It seems that, in suggesting the consultative rule of law, Pan expects governance with aristocratic/oligarchic characteristics, but to ensure that elites do not exploit? the mass public and abide by the law sustainably and continuously, consultation may only be sufficient for the Philosophical King, not for the elites.