Topic > The role of social classes in Singapore today

Society is divided and stratified by race, gender, sexuality, as well as class. This stratification is eternal, it is generated and repeated, and usually leads to inequality. In a rapidly modernizing society, social class is an important aspect to discuss. In this essay I will discuss the importance of social class in Singapore. In order to do this, I will first explain the meaning of social class, as well as the types of social classes present in Singapore. Secondly, I will briefly try to introduce and explain Karl Max's theory of social classes, his bourgeois versus proletariat thesis and the class conflict he was concerned about. Third, I will further explore the inequalities caused by social class, as well as variables such as income growth, social capital and mobility, as well as meritocracy, which might influence one's social class, and then conclude with an understanding of how it affects Social class matters in today's Singapore. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on "Why Violent Video Games Shouldn't Be Banned"? Get an original essay According to Ong and Cheung (2016), a person's general position in life, based on his or her influences and status, as well as his or her opportunities and availability to certain goods, is the meaning of social class in Singapore. Typically, knowing an individual's social class requires identifying their socioeconomic status (SES), which consists of specific indicators such as education level and salary earned (Ong and Cheung, 2016). Another way is through subjective social status (Ong and Cheung, 2016). Fundamentally, subjective social status refers to a person's personal understanding of their social positioning (Ong and Cheung, 2016). As stated by Ong and Cheung (2016), an individual can demonstrate their overall position via a social pecking order “stool,” a visual aid used to identify the individual's subjective observations. It is widely known in Singapore that there are generally different types of social classes and this would refer to upper class, middle class and lower class. As mentioned above, an individual's level of education, number of languages ​​spoken and level of literacy, their economic status, whether they have a job or not, and if so, what is their occupation and gross monthly salary and the type of house he lives in will determine which social class that person will belong to (Singstat, 2018). As stated by Buchanan (1975), Singapore is a class society composed of five different classes. We have “the upper class, the upper middle class, the intermediate middle class, the lower middle class, and the working class” (Buchanan, 1975). According to Chang (1995), and based on his definition of social class, there are also five different types of classes. His classification is quite similar to Buchanan's regarding the first three classes that make up the upper level as they have higher income, significant social status and greater authority, while in addition, the two remaining classes complete the lower level (Chang, 1995 ). However, it has been argued by Ong and Cheung (2016), that understanding different social classes is important as it will enable Singapore to create a more inclusive and global society, whereby individuals will consider themselves equal, regardless of their social class. It is also critical in enabling us to address pressing issues such as poverty, for example, by examining the Singapore government policies in place that help or hinder an individual's access to their socioeconomic status (Buchanan, 1975). Not only that, learning the trends and effects ofavailable social classes, one can hope to gradually improve class stratification (Chang, 1995). In Singapore, with its growing social gaps and overly diverse levels, it is crucial to work towards a just society where everyone believes they are equivalent to any other person and regarded as such (Ong and Cheung, 2016). However, let us now examine Marx's theory of social classes. According to Rummel (1977), the best way to understand Marx's theory of social classes is through his meaning of class. A class is determined by the rightful possession of property, whereby such ownership gives a man the ability to prohibit others from accessing the property and using it for individual purposes (Rummel, 1977). Rummel (1977) also points out that in addition to the connection with property, there are three important classes of society: the bourgeoisie (who own the methods to create, for example, hardware and production line structures, and whose source of remuneration is the benefit), the landowners (whose wage is rent) and the working class (who claims their work and offers it in exchange for a wage). Consequently, class is controlled by ownership, not wages or status, and these are dictated by circulation and use, which in turn reflects the creation and power relations of classes (Rummel, 1977). Social states of bourgeois creation are characterized by average ownership; therefore, class is in this way a hypothetical and formal relationship between people (Rummel, 1977). Rummel (1977) states that the power that turns dormant class participation into a class battle is known as class interest. Outside of comparable class circumstances, people come to act correspondingly, building a common trust, a network, a mutual intrigue related to a typical wage or salary benefit (Rummel, 1977). From this, regular interest classes are formed and, for Marx, people create classes to the extent that their advantages draw them into a battle with the opposing class (Rummel, 1977). Initially, ownership and leasing interests are not quite the same as those of the bourgeoisie, however, Rummel (1977) points out that as society develops, capital (i.e. generation ownership) and land ownership converge, so such as the interests of landowners and the bourgeoisie. Subsequently, the nexus of creation, the normal resistance between the lower class and the bourgeoisie, decides every other action (Rummel, 1977). ). Ultimately, given the development of capitalism, the growing divergence between the living environment of the bourgeoisie and the working class, as well as the growing homogenization within each class, individual battles end up being summed up in transversal coalitions over industrial structures ( Rummel, 1977). . Progressively, class conflict manifests itself at the social level, which means that class awareness is broadened, basic interests and approaches are composed, and the utilization and battle for political power occurs, resulting in classes are transformed into a political coalition (Rummel, 1977). Overall, there are six components in Marx's perspective of class conflict (Rummel, 1977). Firstly, classes are professional connections in the light of real estate, secondly, class characterizes groups of people with similar life circumstances, therefore interests, thirdly, classes are normally adversaries for prudence of their interests. In today's society, the development of two hostile classes and their battle is imminent, which in the long run devours every social connection, political association and power are an instrument of class struggle, dominant thoughts areappearance, and finally structural change is a result of class battle (Rummel, 1977). In the case of Singapore, I believe we can easily discern who the bourgeoisie and the proletariat are, although it is not always black and white. At this time I will focus on the plight of the proletariat, since I too am a proletariat. I can tell this based on my subjective social status, as previously mentioned by Ong and Cheung (2016). As stated by Kynn (2010), the fascinating characteristic of Singapore is that it is meritocratic but then elitist, multicultural but then racially demanding and finally dynamic but chauvinistic. Singapore's proletariats are faced with many alarming issues such as inequality, be it based on education or economic status, social mobility, social capital and income growth, to name a few. According to the Institute of Policy Studies (2018), inequality and social mobility are distinct but related challenges. The former reflects unequal access to resources, while the latter highlights the level of social equity, reasonableness and value for the general public. While contrasts in financial conditions are inevitable, social stratification has negative consequences for social strength, prosperity, and attachment (Institute of Policy Studies, 2018). Why is this important in the Singapore context? Manstead (2018) argues that, based on current studies, a person's social class plays a significant role in influencing their individual and social indicators, and that this in turn will somehow impact both how he or she reflects and perceives his or her social status and the vital parts of his or her social interaction. Furthermore, recent research by the Institute of Policy Studies (2018) on social capital shows a significant disconnect between different social classes in Singapore. The research methodology was based on two distinctive criteria; the type of house you lived in, whether it was private or public housing, and what type of school you attended, an elite or non-elite school (Institute of Policy Studies, 2018). The possibility that schools are contexts in which social class imbalances are reinforced may seem confusing at first glance, given that schools are supposed to be meritocratic situations in which outcomes are shaped by ability and effort, as opposed to any favorable position presented by the foundation of the class. Manstead, 2018). Nonetheless, the education system replicates social imbalances by promoting standards and qualities that are more common for middle-class kids, to the extent that this encourages middle-class kids to leapfrog their working-class peers, the "meritocratic belief that such contrasts in performance are due to contrasts in ability and commitment will serve to “clarify” truly unequal performance (Manstead, 2018). Another finding that emerged from the study was that those with a more diverse network are prone to have feelings more deeply rooted national pride and trust towards individuals of different races, religions or nationalities (Institute of Policy Studies, 2018) is a crucial finding as many countries, not just Singapore, face the potential threat of xenophobia and Islamophobia. What impact will all these have on Singapore in the long run? Is rising inequality linked to worrying health problems, both physically and mentally, as well as emotionally, on a local and global scale (Kraus, Park, & Tan, 2017). ). Other health psychology research using objective and subjective social class as markers has highlighted data of negative effects on a person's well-being and health., 2014).